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Social norms refer to the shared expectations held by a given community. They are often held in place by social approval or rewards for conformity, and by disapproval or sanctions for transgressions. Understanding how and why social norms hold sway can provide a powerful means for understanding the gendered division of work that prevails in many communities and inform strategies aimed at promoting change. This report summarizes the main findings from the qualitative research conducted in August 2017 to support on the identification of the main social norms related to unpaid care and domestic work in rural communities in four districts in Zimbabwe. The research served to identify who the leaders are that communities look up to in order to validate social norms change. It helped to identify nascent opportunities for changes in the gendered division of labour, and what the implications are of the findings for planning and practice in addressing inequalities on unpaid care and domestic work.
International Media Support (IMS);
This report covers responses to the infringement of the right to freedom of information, misinformation on social media and the impact on public interest media caused by the Covid-19 pandemic with a human-rights based approach and gender-sensitive lens.As journalists on the frontline have supplied essential live-saving information to massively expanded audiences in need of reporting they could trust, advertising revenues have collapsed, leaving public interest media struggling to survive.The report features interviews with journalists from four IMS programme counties, Colombia, Ethiopia, Sri Lanka and Ukraine about the challenges created by the pandemic and case studies showcasing success stories from independent media outlets in Pakistan, the Philipines, Somalia and Zimbabwe.
Climate change is putting increasing stress on the livelihoods of people living in the world's drylands. Smallholder irrigation has long been seen as a means of improving food security in areas with unpredictable rainfall, and is now being promoted as part of climate change adaptation strategies. The Ruti Irrigation Scheme in Zimbabwe was begun by Oxfam in 2009 with these objectives in mind.This report examines the findings of two evaluations of the project and shows that the irrigation scheme has had more significant social and economic impacts than those measured by a quantitative study alone. However, the positive impacts for wellbeing have not been as extensive as originally hoped - having been affected by extreme weather events and the decision to reserve scarce water for use by sugar estates further downstream.This suggests that while smallholder irrigation schemes can provide important local benefits, these are threatened not only by the usual difficulties associated with their implementation, but also by the greater challenges posed by climate change and the resource conflicts that are being exacerbated as a result. These are problems which require significant changes in policy and practice at catchment-wide, national, and international levels.
Fiscal policy can be a powerful tool for governments to help achieve a 'human economy', if these policies are designed to address gender inequalities and the gender biases in current macroeconomic thinking. This report uses the case of one element of fiscal policy - public spending - to demonstrate how such policy design could help achieve gender equality and improve human development outcomes in developing countries.The report identifies unpaid care and domestic work as a key area where fiscal policy has a significant impact on gender equality. Using data from Oxfam's 2017 Household Care Survey in Uganda and Zimbabwe, the report explores the impact on adults' and children's/adolescents' time use of access to improved water sources, electricity, healthcare and childcare. It also considers secondary impacts on measures of well-being and women's empowerment, including women's health and decision making.
In the late 1990s, the government of Zimbabwe held a conference on land reform in Zimbabwe. The government, the interested parties (including the farmers), and international aid agencies reached a broad agreement. That agreement, however, was never implemented. In 2000, in an attempt to destroy the opposition, which derived much support from the commercial farmers and their employees, the government began what it eventually called the "Fast Track Land Reform" exercise.
On March 29, 2008, Zimbabwe will hold presidential and parliamentary elections. Few people believe that they will be free and fair or that Robert Mugabe and his Zimbabwe African National Union -- Patriotic Front party will fail to return to office. That is a tragedy, because Mugabe and his cronies are chiefly responsible for an economic meltdown that has turned one of Africa's most prosperous countries into a country with one of the lowest life expectancies in the world. Since 1994, the average life expectancy in Zimbabwe has fallen from 57 years to 34 years for women and from 54 years to 37 years for men. Some 3,500 Zimbabweans die every week from the combined effects of HIV/AIDS, poverty, and malnutrition. Half a million Zimbabweans may have died already. There is no freedom of speech or assembly in Zimbabwe, and the state has used violence to intimidate and murder its opponents. At the root of Zimbabwe's problems is a corrupt political elite that has, with considerable international support, behaved with utter impunity for some two decades. This elite is determined to hang on to power no matter what the consequences, lest it be held to account for the genocide in Matabeleland in the early 1980s and the wholesale looting of Zimbabwe that followed the mismanaged land reform in 2000. When change comes to Zimbabwe, the nation will have to rediscover the rule of law and the sanctity of persons and property. The public discourse and the economy will have to be reopened. The new government will have to embrace a more limited idea of government and rescind legislation that makes the operation of the private sector next to impossible. Moreover, the new government will have to find a way for the people of Zimbabwe to heal the wounds caused by decades of political violence.
The hallmark of Zimbabwe's economic collapse is hyperinflation. The most recent official inflation figure is for February 2008: a whopping 165,000 percent year-over-year. At present (early June 2008), inflation is unofficially about 2.5 million percent a year. Not surprisingly, the Zimbabwe dollar has lost more than 99.9 percent of its value against the U.S. dollar during the past year.Zimbabwe's hyperinflation is destroying the economy, pushing more of its inhabitants into poverty, and forcing millions of Zimbabweans to emigrate. Between 1997 and 2007, cumulative inflation was nearly 3.8 billion percent, while living standards fell by 38 percent. The source of Zimbabwe's hyperinflation is the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe's money machine. The government spends, and the RBZ finances the spending by printing money. The RBZ has no ability in practice to resist the government's demands for cash. Accordingly, the RBZ cannot hope to regain credibility anytime soon. To stop hyperinflation, Zimbabwe needs to immediately adopt a different monetary system. Any one of three options can rapidly slash the inflation rate and restore stability and growth to the Zimbabwean economy. First is "dollarization." This option would replace the discredited Zimbabwe dollar with a foreign currency, such as the U.S. dollar or the South African rand. Second is a currency board. Under that system, the Zimbabwe dollar would be credible because it would be fully backed by a foreign reserve currency and would be freely convertible into the reserve currency at a fixed rate on demand. Third is free banking. This option would allow commercial banks to issue their own private notes and other liabilities with minimum government regulation. Central banking is the only monetary system that has ever created hyperinflation and instability in Zimbabwe. Prior to central banking, Zimbabwe had a rich monetary experience in which a free banking system and a currency board system performed well. It is time for Zimbabwe to adopt one of these proven monetary systems and discard its failed experiment with central banking.
Open Society Institute;
Provides evidence, based on forensic evaluations by international health professionals, that the Zimbabwean government is systematically using torture and violence to suppress political opposition.
Centre for Policy Studies;
The best practice examined in this paper is the Community Foundation for the Western Region of Zimbabwe's system of mobilising funds from rural communities to finance an endowment intended for community development. The case study is based on interviews with members of staff, the Board of Trustees and people involved in some of the projects that the foundation is funding. Staff from an associated organisation that was pivotal in the launch of the foundation have also been interviewed.
Graduate Centre Humanities and Social Sciences of the Research Academy Leipzig;
This paper reports on a study of human rights and political activism of Zimbabweans in Britain. It aims at analysing the opportunities for, and challenges to, transnational mobilisation and diaspora politics oriented towards the country of origin, Zimbabwe -- a country that has experienced a deterioration of its domestic political and socio-economic situation during the past decade - from the migrants' perspective.